Democracy | Georgia

"We were always European"

The increasingly pro-Russian government in Georgia suspended EU accession talks at the end of 2024. In this interview, Georgian activist Giorgi Kakabadze talks about the fight for a European future for his country.
Standing in front of Brandenburg Gate, a young man speaks to protesters about Georgia

Giorgi Kakabadze protesting in central Berlin

 

Interview by Mira Schwedes

Giorgi Kakabadze, you are a Georgian activist living in Berlin since 2021. In 2023, you co-founded the pro-European group, Georgian Centre Abroad (GZA). Would you describe yourself as a "foreign agent"?

[Laughs] In the sense of the new legislation in Georgia, yes. There, I am a board member of an NGO and here I am part of the pro-European GZA, which means I am a "double agent", so to speak.

How have you been doing in recent days and weeks?

I haven't been sleeping much. I'm working, plus I'm volunteering for GZA, and of course, it hits me personally when I see this brutality in Georgia. Many of my friends are out on the streets there and they tell me their stories. It reminds me of previous governments. Unfortunately, we've had these experiences with police violence against demonstrators many times before. That means physically, I'm fine, but mentally, I'm partly in Georgia. It's hard, especially when you can't really help.

You say that things are repeating themselves. When did you decide that enough's enough, that you would take action?

For a long time, I wasn't an activist at all. I went to demonstrations, but I never gave a speech or organised anything. I came to Berlin in 2021 to do my PhD in history, and a few months later the war in Ukraine began. Despite the protests and the solidarity of the Georgian people with Ukraine, the Georgian government remained silent  and tried not to say anything. So I decided to demonstrate. We started with some friends in front of the Georgian embassy, initially with 15 or 20 people, sometimes fewer. Later, we also gave speeches at Ukrainian demonstrations to show our solidarity.

A year later, the first draft of the so-called ‘agent law’ was presented in Georgia. Due to its Soviet past, in Georgia, the term “agent” has an exclusively negative connotation. It is understood to be synonymous with "spy". The law aims to register NGOs, and media outlets that receive more than 20 percent of their funding from abroad, as "agents of foreign powers." Among other things, this allows the authorities to investigate NGOs on the basis of anonymous tips without judicial oversight.

At that moment, we realised that this would not be the only bomb that the Georgian government would throw at us on our way to becoming European. We had to get organised. So we founded the Georgian Centre Abroad or GZA – which means ‘The Way’ in Georgian.

What are the main concerns of the GZA?

The goal is to make Georgia more accessible to a wider audience; to talk and write about modern Georgia. The GZA wants to create its own discourse—a "discourse from below" that includes the perspectives and voices of Georgian civil society. Our second goal is to break through Russian propaganda and challenge inaccuracies.

Here's an example from my time as a student in Jena. When I told people that I was from Georgia, I was often asked, "Are you Russian?" "No." "Do you speak Russian?" "No." "But at least you write in Cyrillic!" "No." And then it was up to me to explain. Another widespread cliché is that Georgians are criminals. We want to overcome these prejudices. The third goal is to build a Georgian diaspora community, and the fourth concerns the academic system in Germany, because there too, knowledge about Georgia is lacking. The last and most important goal is to bring Georgians and Germans together on an equal footing and to break down the barriers that often arise from a lack of knowledge and misconceptions. 

What did your work look like in light of  developments such as the October 2024 election and the ongoing protests?

After the elections, we were initially all in shock. Then we began organising with other initiative groups. Together, we participated in demonstrations in over 40 cities around the world and wrote demands together. We met with many German politicians, explained the situation to them and wrote emails to political parties.

Has it been successful?

Eight members of the Bundestag attended one of our demonstrations. They gave very good speeches and showed support for our goals. But when it comes to concrete steps, nothing's happened. It's nice to see that there is currently more being written and reported about Georgia, but when it comes to action, it's lacking.

Support must now come from politicians. Georgian civil society has shown that it is fighting for Europe—for Europe as an idea of freedom and solidarity. Now the people are standing there with their bare hands, and that is not enough.

What are your demands for politicians?

The Georgian government has shown that it no longer has a conscience and it respects no red lines. Those responsible for the violence and those who violate the constitution should be sanctioned. For example, with entry bans and financial sanctions. It must be made clear that Europe supports the Georgians' struggle for a European future. We have always been part of Europe and that is why we now need the help of the big European family.

How is your work perceived in your homeland?

Since I became so active here, I haven't been back to Georgia. But other members of our organization have reported that we are now well-known on the streets there. Events like our march in Berlin have become an important topic. When I, as a historian, take a step back from this process, I see that the Georgian diaspora has never been as united as it is now. It also gives people in Georgia strength to see that Georgians living abroad share their struggle and are making their voices heard so loudly in Europe.

Would you rather be in Georgia right now?

I would love to be there right now, to experience the atmosphere and get involved, but it could also be dangerous. In recent years, when there have been protests, demonstrators have often been called on their personal numbers and verbally abused and threatened with horrific language. We assume that the callers were instructed by the government to intimidate people although, of course, we can't prove that. Over the last six months, I have also had calls like these, which is sometimes frightening.

There has been increasing talk in the media about the “hopelessness” of the situation. What gives you hope right now?

Of course, when protests go on for a month, at some point you think, “Maybe we're helpless”. But the protests continue. The activists are out there every day and they won't give up.

Although the current situation is not good for Georgians, people want to keep going. They walk the streets in an attempt to find creative and peaceful ways to demonstrate. They walk everywhere!

Language is a very important tool for us, allowing us to make jokes about the government and show them: "You can't do anything, because we'll laugh at you." The fact that people are still capable of doing that gives me hope.

What do you hope for in the future?

I want to live in peace – that means without fear of Russia, in a democratic, peaceful environment. I hope the upheavals in Georgia will give rise to a new party, one that doesn't have as troubled a past as the current opposition and the ruling party. I hope that there will be an awakening in European countries so that the concerns of smaller countries are finally heard and taken into account, and that democratic countries stand up for the defence of democracy. And I hope that journalists here will report honestly about the violence against demonstrators and journalists on the streets of Georgia.

I am an optimistic man, which is why I believe that we will win this fight for a European future. I have many friends who are on the front lines of the demonstrations, and I am very proud of them. I am trying to do what I can from here.

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